The Čakavian of Milena Rakvin Mišlov and the local vernacular of Kali

U radu se opisuju glavne osobine jezika zbirke čakavskih pjesama i proze Mene moja baba kaljske autorice Milene Rakvin Mišlov. Jezične se osobitosti zbirke uspoređuju sa stanjem u kaljskome govoru. Analiza se provodi na fonološkoj, morfološkoj, sintaktičkoj i leksičkoj razini. Rezultati usporedbe pokazuju da čakavska poezija i proza Milene Rakvin Mišlov vjerno odražava osobitosti kaljskoga govora arhaičnijega tipa uz minimalna odstupanja.This paper describes the main characteristics of the language of the collection of Čakavian poems and prose entitled Mene moja baba, written by Milena Rakvin Mišlov, who was a native of Kali, on the island of Ugljan. The linguistic features of her writing are compared with those of the local vernacular of Kali. The analysis is made on the phonological, morphological, syntactic, and lexical levels. The results of this comparison show that the Čakavian poetry and prose of Milena Rakvin Mišlov faithfully reflects the features of the local vernacular of Kali – that is, a conservative form of that variety – with minimal deviations

The syntax of imperatives in Croatian glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies

U radu se u okvirima minimalističkoga i kartografskoga istraživačkoga programa opisuju sintaktičke osobitosti imperativnih rečenica u hrvatskoglagoljskim neliturgijskim zbornicima. Zbog težnje da se analizom obuhvate kodeksi ispisani jezikom u kojem se miješaju hrvatski crkvenoslavenski i hrvatski jezik (pretežno) čakavskih obilježja korpus na kojem je provedeno istraživanje ograničen je na neliturgijske zbornike nastale od kraja 14. do početka 17. stoljeća. Analizira se strukturiranost imperativnih rečenica, položaj pravih i zamjenskih imperativa u rečeničnoj strukturi, odnosi na lijevome rečeničnom rubu, imperativni subjekti, negirane imperativne konstrukcije i umetanje pravih imperativa. U analizi se polazi od pretpostavke da je direktivna snaga u imperativnim rečenicama kodirana u specijaliziranome elementu koji se nalazi na položaju glave Force0 . Dokazuje se da je u jeziku neliturgijskih zbornika njezino aktiviranje rezultat dalekometnoga odnosa sročnosti između imperativnih glagola i imperativnoga operatora koji se nalazi na tome položaju. Na tragu modalnih pristupa imperativima pretpostavlja se da je u imperativnim rečenicama na položaju glave Fin0 kodirano modalno obilježje te da ono (upareno s EPP-obilježjem) na taj položaj privlači prave imperative i modalne čestica da i neka u zamjenskim imperativima. Na temelju činjenice da su u zbornicima kao imperativni subjekti potvrđene skupine s obilježjima prvoga i (osobito) trećega lica odbacuje se uvriježena tvrdnja u generativnoj literaturi da je imperativnim rečenicama usmjerenost na adresata inherentna. Kompatibilnost pravih imperativa i negativnoga obilježivača povezuje se s klitičkim karakterom potonjega. Pokazuje se da u negiranju pravih imperativa u jeziku neliturgijskih zbornika nema vidskih ograničenja kakva postoje u većini suvremenih slavenskih jezika. Među analiziranim zbornicima nisu uočene apsolutne razlike u pogledu sintaktičkih osobitosti imperativnih rečenica. Uočava se ipak da su zamjenski imperativi s česticom neka češće nego drugdje potvrđeni u tekstovima u čijem je jeziku crkvenoslavenska sastavnica marginalno zastupljena te da je umetanje pravih imperativa, inače svojstveno nekim suvremenim kajkavskim govorima, najčešće zabilježeno u neliturgijskim zbornicima nastalim na kontaktnome čakavsko-kajkavskome području.In this dissertation, syntactic features of imperative clauses in Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies are described within the Minimalist (Chomsky 1993, 1995, 2000, 2001, 2008) and Cartographic framework (Cinque i Rizzi 2010; Rizzi 1997, 2013a, 2013b; Rizzi i Cinque 2016, Shlonsky 2010), two contemporary descendants of the Principles and Parameters theory. Since the aim to analyze the codices written in the so-called Čakavian-Church Slavonic amalgam – i.e. the idiom in which the Croatian Church Slavonic and Croatian (Čakavian) elements are mixed in different proportions, depending on different factors (e.g. the education and the attitude of the writer, the nature of the text, the age of the codex, the type of the template from which the text was transcribed etc.) – the corpus on which the research is conducted is limited to the non-liturgical miscellanies written from the end of the 14th to the beginning of the 17th century. The following problems are analyzed: structure of imperative clauses, position of true and suppletive imperatives in the clause structure, left periphery of imperative clauses, imperative subjects, negated imperative constructions and embedding of true imperatives. As in other languages, the imperative forms in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies can be divided into true and suppletive ones. True imperatives are attested in all three persons of all three numbers (singular, dual, plural), with second and third person forms being formally identical in all three numbers. Among the suppletive imperatives, periphrases 'da + present' are most frequently attested. Periphrases 'neka + present' are less frequent in the corpus and their realization in the texts is a result of the influence of Croatian (Čakavian) organic idioms. Both periphrases with the particle da and the periphrases with the particle neka are by far the most frequently attested in the third person, while they are much less frequent in the first and (especially) second person. Infinitives and perfective present forms used imperatively are marginally attested in the corpus. They occur almost exclusively in the contexts in which their use was motivated by the (Greek and/or Latin) templates. The starting assumption in the syntactic analyses is that the sentential force is encoded in the specialized element, which, according to Rizzi’s (1997) model of split CP-domain, is located in Force0 . It is shown that in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies the sentential force is not activated by the movement of true or suppletive imperatives to Force0 , but arises from the Long-Distance Agreement between imperative verbs and the directive/imperative operator located in that position (cf. Cormany 2013). Based on the fact that imperative verbs in non-liturgical miscellanies are attested in various non-directive uses (e.g. in greetings, in conditional, final, consecutive, concessive clauses etc.), this work rejects the very common claim in the generative literature that imperative morphology (or some other abstract feature connected with imperatives) and directivity are encoded in the same position in the clause structure (cf. Medeiros 2015). Drawing on the modal approaches to imperatives (cf. Kaufmann 2012; Isac 2015), it is assumed that the (uninterpretable) modal feature is encoded in the lowest head (Fin0 ) in the split CP-domain of imperative clauses (cf. Roussou 2000) and that (paired with the so called EPP-feature) it attracts true imperatives (which enter the derivation with interpretable modal feature) and/or modal particles da and neka of suppletive imperatives. It is shown that focalized, topicalized, and left-dislocated constituents can appear in the left periphery of the imperative clauses in the language of the Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies. The latter can be associated with three different phenomena: Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD), Hanging Topic Left Dislocation (HTLD) and Contrastive Left Dislocation (CLD). In CLLD, the dislocated constituent is resumed with the clitic resumptive element, while in HTLD and CLD the resumptive element has a tonic nature. It is assumed that the dislocated constituents are situated in the specifier position of the LDP projection (Miškeljin 2016), located between TopP and ForceP in the left periphery (CP-domain). On the basis of the criterion of case agreement between the dislocated and resumptive elements and the possibility of reconstruction effects, it is assumed that CLD is derived by movement of the left-dislocated constituent from the clause-internal position to SpecLDP (with the resumptive element as a lexicalized lower copy of the moved constituent), while in CLLD and HTLD the left-dislocated constituents are base-generated in that position. It is argued that topicalized and focalized constituents are placed in the specifier positions of TopP (which is recursive) and FocP, respectively, and that their realization in these positions results from movement from the clauseinternal position. It is shown that the vocative expressions can not be analyzed as subjects of imperative clauses (with the 2nd person verb). Several facts show that the vocative analysis is not on the right track: (i) vocative expressions can occur simultaneously with the prototypical syntactic subjects of imperative clauses with the 2nd person verb; (ii) vocative expressions can not host clitics, while prototypical syntactic subjects can; (iii) in imperative clauses anaphors (as elements which have to be anteceded in their syntactic domain, i.e. in the clause in which they occur) can occur independently of the existence of vocative expressions. The fact that NPs with inherent first and (especially) third person features are attested as imperative subjects in nonliturgical miscellanies confirms the validity of Medeiros's (2013: 105) claim that, contrary to the usual opinion in the generative literature, "addressee-orientation should not be considered a property inherent to imperatives, but rather (...) a language-specific, morpho-syntactic property of imperatives". The attestation of imperative subjects in all three persons is explained by the assumption that the imperative T0 in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies is endowed with φ-features inherited from the CP-domain (cf. Medeiros 2015). Hence, imperative subjects can Case- and φ-Agree with T0 and are not forced to do that with another head which contains interpretable second person feature, as is usually assumed in languages which permit only second person imperative subjects (cf. Bennis 2007; Zanuttini 2008; Medeiros 2015; Isac 2015 etc.). Since syntactic subjects are well-attested in the postverbal position (not only in imperative clauses), it is assumed that the subject gets the Case feature in situ, i.e. by Long-Distance Agreement with T0 from the position in which it enters the derivation (SpecvP), and that its movement to higher positions results from discoursepragmatic reasons. It is argued that the negative marker in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies (as in other Slavic languages) is a clitic and its compatibility with true imperatives is explained by virtue of this. The clitic status of the negative marker is supported by the fact that other clitics cannot occur between the negative marker and the verb and the possibility of the negative marker and the verb moving together in the clause structure (e.g. in yes/noquestions). Following the analyses proposed in Bošković (2002) and Isac (2015), it is assumed that the negative marker merges in SpecNegP and is left-adjoined to the verb after it moves to the position from which it c-commands the negation. Periphrastic negated imperatives are not particularly frequent in the corpus. Among the attested examples, those with the verb hotěti are most frequent. Periphrases with the verb moći are attested very rarely, while there is only one example with the verb brěći. Periphrases with the verb směti, represent a novelty in terms of the situation in the Croatian Church Slavonic liturgical codices, and these are mostly attested in the Rule of Saint Benedict (Regula svetoga Benedikta). Departure from the situation attested in the liturgical codices is also manifested in the fact that periphrastic negated imperatives in non-liturgical miscellanies occur beyond the second person and independently of the Latin periphrases ‘noli/nolite + infinitive’. It is shown that there are no aspectual constraints in the negated imperative constructions in the non-liturgical miscellanies (which exists in most contemporary Slavic languages), i.e. that negative imperatives are possible with both imperfective and perfective verbs. In the non-liturgical miscellanies, true imperatives can occur in complement clauses and nonrestrictive relative clauses. According to Cinque's (2013) criteria, nonrestrictives with true imperatives show typical properties of the nonintegrated type of nonrestrictive relative clauses. They are illocutionary independent, they don't have to be adjacent to their external head, their internal head can be retained, they don't necessarily take nominal antecedents etc. It is argued that the true imperatives in complement contexts can be analyzed as cases of proper syntactic embedding, i.e. that their realization in syntactically dependent clauses cannot (always) be analyzed as (semi-)direct speech. In the examples in which true imperatives with second person features are attested in complement clauses, actual context and reported context always agree in all relevant parameters (speaker, addressee, tense), which suggests that the embedding in these examples is semantically vacuous (Kaufmann 2012). The absolute differences regarding syntactic features of imperative clauses are not found among the analyzed non-liturgical miscellanies. However, it is noteworthy that suppletive imperatives with the particle neka are mostly attested in texts in which the Church Slavonic component is marginally present (or completely absent) and that the embedding of true imperatives, otherwise typical of some modern Kajkavian local dialects, is most frequently attested in the non-liturgical miscellanies written in the area of the Čakavian-Kajkavian contact – the Vinodol miscellany (Vinodolski zbornik), the Petris’ miscellany (Petrisov zbornik) and the Tkon miscellany (Tkonski zbornik)

PROSODIC FEATURES OF THE LOCAL DIALECT OF NISKO IN DALMATIAN ZAGORA

U radu se opisuju prozodijske osobitosti mjesnoga govora Niskoga u Dalmatinskoj zagori. Istraživanje je provedeno na temelju građe ekscerpirane iz korpusa diktafonskih snimaka. Prikupljena je građa uspoređena s postojećim prozodijskim opisima govora Dalmatinske zagore te s građom prikupljenom u obližnjim mjestima mućko lećevačkoga prostora (Gizdavac, Gornje Postinje, Kladnjice, Konjsko) i Zamosorja (Kotlenice). Naglasni je inventar istraženoga govora tipični novoštokavski, s dvama silaznim ( ̏ i ̑ ) i dvama uzlaznim naglascima ( ̀ i ́ ) te sa zanaglasnom duljinom, koja se dobro čuva. Uzlazni se naglasci rijetko mogu pojaviti u jednosložnim riječima, jednako kao i silazni naglasci na središnjim slogovima višesložnih riječi. Predsonantsko duljenje u unutrašnjim slogovima ostvaruje se pred suglasničkim skupinama sa sonantom (-RC-), a u završnim slogovima samo ako su zatvoreni glasom j (-j#). Kanovački naglasak može doći na starim kratkim vokalima *e, *o, *ъ i *ь (róda, ali jèla) te na kratkim prefiksima u izvedenicama strukture ‘prefiks + osnova + nulti morf’ (prózor, ali pònos).The paper deals with prosodic features of the local dialect of Nisko in Dalmatian Zagora. The research is conducted on the basis of data excerpted from the corpus of dictaphone recordings. The collected data is compared with existing descriptions of the prosodic features of the local dialects of Dalmatian Zagora and with data collected in neighboring settlements of the Muć-Lećevica area (Gizdavac, Gornje Postinje, Kladnjice, Konjsko) and Zamosorje (Kotlenice). The accent inventory of the local dialect of Nisko is typical NeoŠtokavian, with two falling ( i ) and two rising accents ( ̀ i ́) and well-preserved pretonic length. Rising accents rarely can apper on monosyllabic words, as well as falling accents on the medial sylablles of polysyllabic words. Lenghtening before sonorants occurs in internal syllables before any consonant cluster whose first member is sonorant (-RC-), and in final syllables only before j (-j#). »The Kanovački« accent is attested on the short Protoslavic vowels *e, *o, *ъ i *ь ( róda, but jèla) and on the short prefixes in derived nouns with the structure ‘prefix + stem + zero morph’ (prózor, but pònos)

LINGUA PARLATA E LESSICO DI VIR (PUNTADURA)

U radu se iznose osnovne značajke govora Vira, fonološke, morfološke, sintaktičke i osobito leksičke. Istraživanje pokazuje da virski govor karakterizira supostojanje čakavskih i štokavskih elemenata. Na fonološkoj razini čakavski se elementi prepoznaju u dobrome čuvanju glasova f i x, u redovitome ostvarivanju glasa ž na mjestu gdje novoštokavci ikavci uglavnom redovito imaju ǯ te u dobrome čuvanju jedinica starijega akcenatskog inventara i staroga akcenatskog mjesta. Nije, međutim, zanemariv ni udio štokavskih elemenata. Novoštokavski se utjecaj prepoznaje u ostvarivanju akcenatskih jedinica uzlazne intonacije, u redovitome zamjenjivanju prednjega nazala glasom e, odnosno u štakavskome refleksu skupine *st\u27. Na morfološkoj se razini čakavskim elementima mogu smatrati puni infinitivi, čuvanje morfema -nu- kod glagola druge vrste te neke deklinacijske arhaičnosti (npr. nulti gramatički morf u genitivu množine). Ipak, i na morfološkome je planu štokavski udio znatan, a posebno dolazi do izražaja u nerijetkim potvrdama duge množine, u sinkretizmu dativa, lokativa i instrumentala množine, u upotrebi upitno-odnosne zamjenice što i u redovnome ostvarivanju dočetka -(j)a u glagolskome pridjevu radnom. U leksiku je znatan romanski utjecaj (npr. montûra, kȁmara, famȉja), dok je udio leksema germanskoga (škȍditi) i orijentalnoga postanja (žȉgerica, ádet) osjetno manji. Velik je broj leksema naslijeđen iz praslavenskoga leksičkog inventara (nevȉsta, svȅkar, žȕk). Čakavski je leksik dobro zastupljen (npr.brîžan‘jadan’, míto‘plaća’, živȉna ‘stoka’), premda leksemi svojstveni najsjevernijim čakavskim govorima u Viru redovito izostaju. Osobito su brojni primjeri koji povezuju čakavske i zapadnoštokavske govore (npr. čȅšań, drȁga, kȕriti). U cjelini gledano, virski govor valja svrstati u čakavsko narječje, posebno s obzirom na činjenicu da u tu skupinu dijalekata proučavatelji često svrstavaju i idiome s manje čakavizama no što ih nalazimo na Viru.This paper presents the basic characteristics of the speech of the island of Vir, namely, its phonological, morphological, syntactic, and especially lexical features. The findings of this research show the coexistence of Čakavian and Štokavian elements in the speech of Vir. At the phonological level, Čakavian elements are recognized in well preserved sounds f and x, in regular occurrences of sound ž where in the Neo-štokavian ikavian mostly appears ǯ and in well preserved older accent inventory and old accent placement. However, the amount of Štokavian elements is definitely not insignificant. Neo-štokavian influence is recognizable in accentual units of rising intonation, in regular alternation of front nasal with e and in Štokavian reflex of cluster *stj. At the morphological level elements which could be considered as Čakavian are the absence of apocope in the infinitive forms, the preservation of the morpheme -nu- in verbs belonging to II class and some archaic elements in noun inflection (for example, zero grammatical morpheme in Genitive plural). Nevertheless, the Štokavian influence in morphology is considerable; it is particularly evident in examples of extended plural forms which are not rare, in syncretism of Dative, Locative and Instrumental plural, in the usage of interrogative and relative pronoun što and in regular presence of ending -(j)a in active verbal adjectives. In lexis, the Romance influence is considerable (montûra, kȁmara, famȉja), while the number of German loans (škȍditi) and lexemes of oriental origin (žȉgerica, ádet) is much lower. Numerous lexemes have been inherited from Proto-Slavic lexical inventory (nevȉsta, svȅkar, žȕk). Čakavian lexical units are well-attested (e.g. brižan \u27jadan\u27, mito \u27plaća\u27, živȉna \u27stoka\u27), although lexemes typical for the Northernmost Čakavian areas are regularly absent in the speech of Vir. Examples of lexemes which connect Čakavian and Western Štokavian speeches are especially numerous (e.g. čȅšań, drȁga, kȕriti). As a whole, the speech of Vir should be included among idioms of Čakavian dialects, particularly if we consider the fact that researchers frequently define as Čakavian some idioms which have less Čakavisms than the speech of Vir.Il saggio riguarda le caratteristiche fondamentali della parlata dell\u27isola di Vir (Puntadura): caratteristiche fonologiche, morfologiche, sintattiche e soprattutto lessicali. Secondo la ricerca la lingua parlata di Vir è caratterizzata dalla coesistenza di elementi ciacavi e stocavi. A livello fonologico gli elementi ciacavi si riconoscono nel buon mantenimento dei foni f e x, nonché nella buona produzione del fono ž, dove invece i nuovostocavi normalmente hanno il fono ǯ, così come nel buon mantenimento delle vecchie unità del patrimonio accentuale e della posizione dell\u27accento. Non è trascurabile neanche la percentuale di elementi stocavi. L\u27influsso nuovostocavo si riconosce anche nella produzione di unità accentuali alte, nello scambio regolare della nasale alveolare con il fono e, ossia un reflesso stocavo del gruppo *stj. A livello morfologico sono da considerare elementi ciacavi gli infiniti pieni, il mantenimento del morfema -nu- nei verbi della seconda categoria e alcune arcaicità riscontrate nelle declinazioni (per es. morfema grammaticale nullo nel genitivo maschile). Nonostante ciò, la percentuale stocava è notevole a livello morfologico e spicca soprattutto nelle frequenti conferme del plurale lungo, nel sincretismo di dativo, locativo e strumentale plurale, nell\u27uso del pronome interrogativo-relativo što e nella produzione regolare dell\u27inizio - (j)a nel caso di un aggettivo verbale attivo. L\u27influsso delle lingue romanze è notevole nel lessico (per es. montûra, kȁmara, famȉja), mentre la percentuale dei lessemi di origine germanica (škȍditi) e orientale (žȉgerica, ádet) è considerevolmente più bassa. Un gran numero di lessemi proviene dal patrimonio lessico proto-slavo (nevȉsta, svȅkar, žȕk). Il lessico ciacavo è ben rappresentato (per es. brižan \u27povero\u27, mito \u27salario\u27, živȉna \u27bestiame1\u27), sebbene non esistano lessemi appartenenti ai dialetti ciacavi più settentrionali. Sono particolarmente numerosi gli esempi che legano i dialetti ciacavi e stocavo-occidentali (per es. čȅšań, drȁga, kȕriti). In conclusione, il dialetto di Vir viene inserito nella categoria del dialetto ciacavo, in particolare considerando il fatto che gli studiosi posizionano in questo gruppo di dialetti gli idiomi con meno ciacavismi rispetto alla situazione di Vir

ON THE LANGUAGE OF EARLY MODERN CROATIAN GLAGOLITIC NON-LITURGICAL MISCELLANIES ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE FATEVIĆ MISCELLANY OF SPIRITUAL TEXTS

Poznato je da hrvatskoglagoljske neliturgijske zbornike nastale od posljednje četvrtine 14. stoljeća do početka druge polovice 16. stoljeća karakterizira miješanje čakavskih i crkvenoslavenskih elemenata. Mnogo je manje pak podataka o jeziku hrvatskoglagoljskih neliturgijskih zbornika koji nastaju od druge polovice 16. stoljeća, odnosno poslije 1561. godine, koja se tradicionalno smatra simboličnim završetkom crkvenoslavenskoga razdoblja u Hrvatskoj. U ovome se radu osvjetljavanju jezične slike te skupine neliturgijskih zbornika pokušava doprinijeti analizom tekstova Fatevićeva zbornika duhovnoga štiva iz 1617. g., koji se, s obzirom na žanrovsku raznolikost u njemu zapisanih tekstova te na njihovo raznorodno podrijetlo, uzima kao dobar predstavnik zborničkih kodeksa nastalih u prvim desetljećima po svršetku hrvatskoga crkvenoslavenskog razdoblja. Osnovni je cilj pritom utvrditi položaj i genezu crkvenoslavenskih elemenata u kodeksu, odnosno razlike koje u tom pogledu postoje u odnosu na stanje u (kasno)srednjovjekovnim zbornicima. Kako bi se to ostvarilo, uspoređuje se jezik odgovarajućih tekstova u Fatevićevu zborniku i u starijim neliturgijskim zbornicima te jezik novoprevedenih tekstova i tekstova prepisanih sa starijih predložaka u okvirima samoga Fatevićeva zbornika. Analizom je utvrđeno da su crkvenoslavenski elementi u Fatevićevu zborniku ograničeni uglavnom na tekstove čije su inačice poznate iz (kasno)-srednjovjekovnih neliturgijskih zbornika (premda su i u njima na svim jezičnim razinama u očitom povlačenju), dok u novim prijevodima crkvenoslavenska sastavnica gotovo u potpunosti izostaje.It is well known that Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies written in the period between the last quarter of the 14th century and the beginning of the second half of the 16th century are characterized by a mixture of Čakavian and Church Slavonic elements. There is much less information about the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies written after the middle of the 16th century, i.e., after 1561, which is traditionally considered as the symbolic end of the Church Slavonic period in Croatia. This paper tries to shed light on the language of this group of non-liturgical miscellanies by analysing the texts of the Fatević Miscellany of Spiritual Texts from 1617, which, given the genre diversity of the preserved texts and their diverse origins, is taken to be a good representative of non-liturgical codices written in the first decades after the end of the Croatian Church Slavonic period. The main goal is to determine the position and genesis of Church Slavonic elements in the codex, i.e., the differences that exist in this regard in relation to the situation in (late) medieval miscellanies. In order to achieve this, the language of the corresponding texts in the Fatević Miscellany and in older non-liturgical miscellanies is compared, as well as the language of newly translated texts and texts transcribed from older exemplars within the Fatević Miscellany. The analysis shows that the Church Slavonic elements in the Fatević Miscellany are limited mainly to texts whose versions are known from older (late) medieval non-liturgical miscellanies (although they are in obvious withdrawal at all language levels), while in new translations the Church Slavonic features are almost completely absent

The syntax of imperatives in Croatian glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies

U radu se u okvirima minimalističkoga i kartografskoga istraživačkoga programa opisuju sintaktičke osobitosti imperativnih rečenica u hrvatskoglagoljskim neliturgijskim zbornicima. Zbog težnje da se analizom obuhvate kodeksi ispisani jezikom u kojem se miješaju hrvatski crkvenoslavenski i hrvatski jezik (pretežno) čakavskih obilježja korpus na kojem je provedeno istraživanje ograničen je na neliturgijske zbornike nastale od kraja 14. do početka 17. stoljeća. Analizira se strukturiranost imperativnih rečenica, položaj pravih i zamjenskih imperativa u rečeničnoj strukturi, odnosi na lijevome rečeničnom rubu, imperativni subjekti, negirane imperativne konstrukcije i umetanje pravih imperativa. U analizi se polazi od pretpostavke da je direktivna snaga u imperativnim rečenicama kodirana u specijaliziranome elementu koji se nalazi na položaju glave Force0 . Dokazuje se da je u jeziku neliturgijskih zbornika njezino aktiviranje rezultat dalekometnoga odnosa sročnosti između imperativnih glagola i imperativnoga operatora koji se nalazi na tome položaju. Na tragu modalnih pristupa imperativima pretpostavlja se da je u imperativnim rečenicama na položaju glave Fin0 kodirano modalno obilježje te da ono (upareno s EPP-obilježjem) na taj položaj privlači prave imperative i modalne čestica da i neka u zamjenskim imperativima. Na temelju činjenice da su u zbornicima kao imperativni subjekti potvrđene skupine s obilježjima prvoga i (osobito) trećega lica odbacuje se uvriježena tvrdnja u generativnoj literaturi da je imperativnim rečenicama usmjerenost na adresata inherentna. Kompatibilnost pravih imperativa i negativnoga obilježivača povezuje se s klitičkim karakterom potonjega. Pokazuje se da u negiranju pravih imperativa u jeziku neliturgijskih zbornika nema vidskih ograničenja kakva postoje u većini suvremenih slavenskih jezika. Među analiziranim zbornicima nisu uočene apsolutne razlike u pogledu sintaktičkih osobitosti imperativnih rečenica. Uočava se ipak da su zamjenski imperativi s česticom neka češće nego drugdje potvrđeni u tekstovima u čijem je jeziku crkvenoslavenska sastavnica marginalno zastupljena te da je umetanje pravih imperativa, inače svojstveno nekim suvremenim kajkavskim govorima, najčešće zabilježeno u neliturgijskim zbornicima nastalim na kontaktnome čakavsko-kajkavskome području.In this dissertation, syntactic features of imperative clauses in Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies are described within the Minimalist (Chomsky 1993, 1995, 2000, 2001, 2008) and Cartographic framework (Cinque i Rizzi 2010; Rizzi 1997, 2013a, 2013b; Rizzi i Cinque 2016, Shlonsky 2010), two contemporary descendants of the Principles and Parameters theory. Since the aim to analyze the codices written in the so-called Čakavian-Church Slavonic amalgam – i.e. the idiom in which the Croatian Church Slavonic and Croatian (Čakavian) elements are mixed in different proportions, depending on different factors (e.g. the education and the attitude of the writer, the nature of the text, the age of the codex, the type of the template from which the text was transcribed etc.) – the corpus on which the research is conducted is limited to the non-liturgical miscellanies written from the end of the 14th to the beginning of the 17th century. The following problems are analyzed: structure of imperative clauses, position of true and suppletive imperatives in the clause structure, left periphery of imperative clauses, imperative subjects, negated imperative constructions and embedding of true imperatives. As in other languages, the imperative forms in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies can be divided into true and suppletive ones. True imperatives are attested in all three persons of all three numbers (singular, dual, plural), with second and third person forms being formally identical in all three numbers. Among the suppletive imperatives, periphrases 'da + present' are most frequently attested. Periphrases 'neka + present' are less frequent in the corpus and their realization in the texts is a result of the influence of Croatian (Čakavian) organic idioms. Both periphrases with the particle da and the periphrases with the particle neka are by far the most frequently attested in the third person, while they are much less frequent in the first and (especially) second person. Infinitives and perfective present forms used imperatively are marginally attested in the corpus. They occur almost exclusively in the contexts in which their use was motivated by the (Greek and/or Latin) templates. The starting assumption in the syntactic analyses is that the sentential force is encoded in the specialized element, which, according to Rizzi’s (1997) model of split CP-domain, is located in Force0 . It is shown that in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies the sentential force is not activated by the movement of true or suppletive imperatives to Force0 , but arises from the Long-Distance Agreement between imperative verbs and the directive/imperative operator located in that position (cf. Cormany 2013). Based on the fact that imperative verbs in non-liturgical miscellanies are attested in various non-directive uses (e.g. in greetings, in conditional, final, consecutive, concessive clauses etc.), this work rejects the very common claim in the generative literature that imperative morphology (or some other abstract feature connected with imperatives) and directivity are encoded in the same position in the clause structure (cf. Medeiros 2015). Drawing on the modal approaches to imperatives (cf. Kaufmann 2012; Isac 2015), it is assumed that the (uninterpretable) modal feature is encoded in the lowest head (Fin0 ) in the split CP-domain of imperative clauses (cf. Roussou 2000) and that (paired with the so called EPP-feature) it attracts true imperatives (which enter the derivation with interpretable modal feature) and/or modal particles da and neka of suppletive imperatives. It is shown that focalized, topicalized, and left-dislocated constituents can appear in the left periphery of the imperative clauses in the language of the Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies. The latter can be associated with three different phenomena: Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD), Hanging Topic Left Dislocation (HTLD) and Contrastive Left Dislocation (CLD). In CLLD, the dislocated constituent is resumed with the clitic resumptive element, while in HTLD and CLD the resumptive element has a tonic nature. It is assumed that the dislocated constituents are situated in the specifier position of the LDP projection (Miškeljin 2016), located between TopP and ForceP in the left periphery (CP-domain). On the basis of the criterion of case agreement between the dislocated and resumptive elements and the possibility of reconstruction effects, it is assumed that CLD is derived by movement of the left-dislocated constituent from the clause-internal position to SpecLDP (with the resumptive element as a lexicalized lower copy of the moved constituent), while in CLLD and HTLD the left-dislocated constituents are base-generated in that position. It is argued that topicalized and focalized constituents are placed in the specifier positions of TopP (which is recursive) and FocP, respectively, and that their realization in these positions results from movement from the clauseinternal position. It is shown that the vocative expressions can not be analyzed as subjects of imperative clauses (with the 2nd person verb). Several facts show that the vocative analysis is not on the right track: (i) vocative expressions can occur simultaneously with the prototypical syntactic subjects of imperative clauses with the 2nd person verb; (ii) vocative expressions can not host clitics, while prototypical syntactic subjects can; (iii) in imperative clauses anaphors (as elements which have to be anteceded in their syntactic domain, i.e. in the clause in which they occur) can occur independently of the existence of vocative expressions. The fact that NPs with inherent first and (especially) third person features are attested as imperative subjects in nonliturgical miscellanies confirms the validity of Medeiros's (2013: 105) claim that, contrary to the usual opinion in the generative literature, "addressee-orientation should not be considered a property inherent to imperatives, but rather (...) a language-specific, morpho-syntactic property of imperatives". The attestation of imperative subjects in all three persons is explained by the assumption that the imperative T0 in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies is endowed with φ-features inherited from the CP-domain (cf. Medeiros 2015). Hence, imperative subjects can Case- and φ-Agree with T0 and are not forced to do that with another head which contains interpretable second person feature, as is usually assumed in languages which permit only second person imperative subjects (cf. Bennis 2007; Zanuttini 2008; Medeiros 2015; Isac 2015 etc.). Since syntactic subjects are well-attested in the postverbal position (not only in imperative clauses), it is assumed that the subject gets the Case feature in situ, i.e. by Long-Distance Agreement with T0 from the position in which it enters the derivation (SpecvP), and that its movement to higher positions results from discoursepragmatic reasons. It is argued that the negative marker in the language of Croatian Glagolitic non-liturgical miscellanies (as in other Slavic languages) is a clitic and its compatibility with true imperatives is explained by virtue of this. The clitic status of the negative marker is supported by the fact that other clitics cannot occur between the negative marker and the verb and the possibility of the negative marker and the verb moving together in the clause structure (e.g. in yes/noquestions). Following the analyses proposed in Bošković (2002) and Isac (2015), it is assumed that the negative marker merges in SpecNegP and is left-adjoined to the verb after it moves to the position from which it c-commands the negation. Periphrastic negated imperatives are not particularly frequent in the corpus. Among the attested examples, those with the verb hotěti are most frequent. Periphrases with the verb moći are attested very rarely, while there is only one example with the verb brěći. Periphrases with the verb směti, represent a novelty in terms of the situation in the Croatian Church Slavonic liturgical codices, and these are mostly attested in the Rule of Saint Benedict (Regula svetoga Benedikta). Departure from the situation attested in the liturgical codices is also manifested in the fact that periphrastic negated imperatives in non-liturgical miscellanies occur beyond the second person and independently of the Latin periphrases ‘noli/nolite + infinitive’. It is shown that there are no aspectual constraints in the negated imperative constructions in the non-liturgical miscellanies (which exists in most contemporary Slavic languages), i.e. that negative imperatives are possible with both imperfective and perfective verbs. In the non-liturgical miscellanies, true imperatives can occur in complement clauses and nonrestrictive relative clauses. According to Cinque's (2013) criteria, nonrestrictives with true imperatives show typical properties of the nonintegrated type of nonrestrictive relative clauses. They are illocutionary independent, they don't have to be adjacent to their external head, their internal head can be retained, they don't necessarily take nominal antecedents etc. It is argued that the true imperatives in complement contexts can be analyzed as cases of proper syntactic embedding, i.e. that their realization in syntactically dependent clauses cannot (always) be analyzed as (semi-)direct speech. In the examples in which true imperatives with second person features are attested in complement clauses, actual context and reported context always agree in all relevant parameters (speaker, addressee, tense), which suggests that the embedding in these examples is semantically vacuous (Kaufmann 2012). The absolute differences regarding syntactic features of imperative clauses are not found among the analyzed non-liturgical miscellanies. However, it is noteworthy that suppletive imperatives with the particle neka are mostly attested in texts in which the Church Slavonic component is marginally present (or completely absent) and that the embedding of true imperatives, otherwise typical of some modern Kajkavian local dialects, is most frequently attested in the non-liturgical miscellanies written in the area of the Čakavian-Kajkavian contact – the Vinodol miscellany (Vinodolski zbornik), the Petris’ miscellany (Petrisov zbornik) and the Tkon miscellany (Tkonski zbornik)

COMPLEX VERB FORMS IN THE TETRAEVANGELIUM OF HVAL\u27S MISCELLANY

U radu se analiziraju složeni glagolski oblici (perfekt, pluskvamperfekt, kondicional, futur prvi) u četveroevanđelju Hvalova zbornika. Zatečeno se stanje uspoređuje sa stanjem u tekstovima Divoševa evanđelja, Nikoljskoga evanđelja, Kopitarova evanđelja i Čajničkoga evanđelja, kao i sa stanjem u kanonskim starocrkvenoslavenskim tekstovima. Analiza se provodi uglavnom na morfološkoj razini, a onoliko koliko posvjedočeni složeni glagolski oblici dopuštaju, analiziraju se i fonološke i leksičke osobitosti četveroevanđelja Hvalova zbornika. Analizom je utvrđeno da se na morfološkoj i leksičkoj razini starocrkvenoslavenski obrasci dobro čuvaju, dok se na fonološkoj razini razmjerno često i sustavno pojavljuju inovativni elementi. Od arhaičnih crta ističe se očuvanost starih ličnih nastavaka te starih oblika pomoćnoga glagola biti u kondicionalnoj perifrazi. Inovacijom se na morfološkoj razini može smatrati tek sporadično posvjedočena futurska perfiraza sa svršenim prezentom glagola biti u funkciji pomoćnoga. Utjecaj vernakulara na fonološkoj se razini očituje u ikavskom refleksu jata i vokalizaciji, odnosno redukciji poluglasa. Razlike u odnosu na paralelne tekstove rijetke su i nesustavne, a ostvaruju se uglavnom na fonološkoj razini.This paper analyses the complex verb forms (perfect, pluperfect, conditional, future) in the Tetraevangelium of Hval’s Miscellany. The existing situation iscompared with the corresponding characteristics of the verb system in the texts of Divoš Gospel, Nikolja Gospel, Kopitar Gospel and Čajniče Gospel, as well as to the situation found in the canonical Old Church Slavonic texts. The analysis is conducted mainly on the morphological level, while the phonological and lexical features in the Tetraevangelium of Hval’s Miscellany are analysed to the degree allowed by the attested complex verb forms. The analysis of the parallel texts shows that the Old Church Slavonic patterns are more or less well-preserved on the morphological and lexical level, while on the phonological level some innovative elements appear quite often and systematically. Among the archaic features, the preservation of the old personal endings and old conditional forms of the auxiliary verb be is particularly notable. On the morphological level, only occasional appearances of a future periphrasis with the perfective present of the verb to be functioning as an auxiliary verb, bo̢demь-present, could be thought of as innovative. The influence of the vernacular on the phonological level is manifested in the Ikavian reflex of the jat vowel and the vocalisation or reduction of jers. In the comparison of the parallel texts, systematic and relevant differences are rarely found and are manifested mostly on the phonological level

PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES OF THE MISCELLANY FROM BERČIĆ COLLECTION NO. 5 AND THE FATEVIĆ MISCELLANY OF SPIRITUAL TEXTS

U radu se analiziraju i međusobno uspoređuju fonološke osobitosti Zbornika u Berčićevoj zbirci br. 5 (15. st.) i Fatevićeva zbornika duhovnoga štiva (1617.). Stanje u obama zbornicima usto se uspoređuje s rezultatima dosadašnjih istraživanja fonoloških osobitosti hrvatskoglagoljskih tekstova liturgijskoga karaktera te sa stanjem u drugim zbornicima neliturgijskoga štiva. Analiza pokazuje da se i u jednome i u drugome zborniku na fonološkoj razini miješaju obilježja crkvenoslavenskoga i hrvatskoga (čakavskoga) jezika, s tim da je obilježjā hrvatskoga (čakavskoga) jezika u obama zbornicima znatno više, a osobito se sustavno ona pojavljuju u mlađem, Fatevićevu zborniku. Na zadarsko područje, odnosno na južnije srednjočakavsko područje kao mjesto nastanka zbornikā upućuje ikavsko-ekavska zamjena jata s prevlašću ikavskih odraza te zamjena ę > a iza ļ nakon prijelaza korijenske suglasničke skupine kl u kļ.In this paper, the phonological features of the Miscellany from Berčić Collection No. 5 (15th century) and the Fatević Miscellany of spiritual texts (1617) are analysed and mutually compared. In addition, the situation in both miscellanies is compared with the results of previous research of the phonological features of Croatian liturgical glagolitic texts and with the situation in other non-liturgical miscellanies. The analysis shows that mixing of the Church Slavonic and Croatian (Chakavian) elements is attested at the phonological level in both miscellanies, with Croatian (Chakavian) features being more frequent in both miscellanies, particularly in the younger Fatević’s Miscellany. The Ikavian-Ekavian reflex of jat with the prevalence of Ikavian examples and the change ę > a after ļ, which is preceded by the change of the root consonant cluster kl > kļ, provides a reliable indication that both miscellanies could have been written in the Zadar region, i.e. in the southern middle-Chakavian region